Postcolonialism is the theoretical approach and frame I apply in my master thesis.  Impressed and fascinated by the intensity and profundity of the postcolonial discourse, I, as a literary major, have constantly been paying extra attention to its development either in terms of oriental or occidental context.  The following essay is a well-thought, well-wrought, and well-written one by the well-known history and literature scholar Prof. Chen, Fang-ming.

 

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我的後殖民立場
陳芳明

 

台灣後殖民研究的遲到

後殖民研究在台灣的起步，可謂相當遲晚。這可以分成兩個層次來看。先就國內的條件來說，台灣文學的研究是在解嚴之後才正式開展的。戒嚴體制本身，就是一種變相的殖民體制。它對台灣歷史、文學、語言、文化等等刻意壓制與扭曲，造成這方面的研究長期停留於缺席狀態。對台灣文學研究的禁錮，也是透過《東方主義》書中所描繪的西方白人殖民策略那樣，亦即以想像、論述、實踐三方面進行有計畫的權力干涉。當教育權掌控在戒嚴者的手上時，他們以想像的方式，認為台灣歷史與中國歷史是沒有兩樣的。不僅如此，當權者認為，台灣歷史經驗的格局過於狹小窄化，遂逕自以中國的歷史經驗來取代台灣的這種混亂的教育方式，終於使台灣歷史淹沒在龐大的中國論述之中。


中國論述對台灣文化主體的傷害，毫不遜於戰前的日本殖民論述。今日仍然蔓延於台灣的省籍問題與統獨爭議，便是這種歷史傷害的殘餘。台灣文學研究的遲到，以至後殖民研究的跟著遲到，並非是島上知識分子欠缺歷史反省，而是因為戰後的再殖民體制阻礙、限制、鄙夷這樣的反省。戰後戒嚴文化與戰前殖民文化之間的共犯關係，由這個角度來看，可以說最為明顯不過了。


再從國外的條件來看，自八０年代北京改善與華府的外交關係以降，台灣文學史書寫已經形成中國對台政策的重要一環。他們的文化攻勢，顯然與曾經支配台灣作家的官方文藝政策有很大不同。戒嚴時期的當權者，採取高壓方式破壞台灣人的歷史記憶，而現階段中國的文化政策則是竭盡思慮重新建構台灣人的歷史記憶。在這一破一立之間，縱然雙方的當權者策略儘管不同，但是東方主義式的權力支配卻毫無二致。中國以同樣的歷史想像方式來建構台灣文學。其中最為重要的論點，便是堅持中國與台灣在近百年來都遭到帝國主義的侵略，因此在反帝、反封建的立場上應該是互通的。以這種解釋為基礎，中國大量支持各種台灣文學史的書寫，企圖形成無可抵擋的論述。


中國近代史，無非是一部充滿血淚的帝國主義侵略史。猶似台灣近百年來的歷史，乃是一部受損害、受侮辱的殖民統治史。不過，中國的文化策略似乎有意在帝國主義（imperialism）與殖民主義（colonialism）之間劃上等號。這種混淆的歷史解釋，達到了創造性模糊的效果，然而卻禁不起檢驗。帝國主義，以嚴格定義說，乃是強權使用軍事侵略方式，迫使弱國必須接受不平等條約，必須開放門戶接受資本主義式的剝削與掠奪。在政治上、經濟上，弱國無法維護獨立自主的身分。然而，在文化上，弱國就不必然完全喪失其主體性。相形之下，殖民主義帶來的傷害較諸帝國主義還嚴重，因為，強權者不僅在借來的空間進行直接的政治、經濟支配，並且在文化上展開抽樑換柱的工作，終至使殖民地人民喪失其固有的歷史記憶與文化傳統。


比較帝國主義下的中國與殖民主義下的台灣，就可發現雙方在政經結構與文化性格方面已產生極大的歧異。中國受到資本主義的侵蝕，大部分集中於沿海地區的城市，但是整個廣大的農村腹地並未受到多少動搖。帝國主義者在中國可能培育了不少代理人，卻未直接在中國本部建立永久文化的政權。中國知識分子強烈感受到國家的危機，不過，他們的思維方式與語言使用卻絲毫不必受到帝國主義的影響。殖民地台灣的政經發展則全然不同，而文化主體的喪失更是較諸中國還更不堪設想。台灣總督府的設立，周密而徹底掌控了殖民地人民生活的全部內容。台灣島上幅員極小，並不存在類似中國的農村腹地，因此就完全不能避免資本主義的深刻滲透。自三０年代以後，日語思考逐漸成為台灣知識分子的書寫依據。包括最具左翼批判精神的作家楊逵、王白淵、張文環、吳坤煌、蘇維熊、呂赫若、吳新榮、郭水潭等人，都已承認不使用日語便不足以表達他們的文學思考。右翼現代主義作家如巫永福、翁鬧，以及風車詩社的楊熾昌、林修二、李張瑞等，又何嘗不是需要訴諸日文才能進行文學創作。相形之下，中國三０年代作家並沒有被迫使用帝國主義者的語言來從事文學想像的工作。殖民主義對於文化主體所構成的傷害，由此可以證明較諸帝國主義還來得深化深刻。


迂迴討論帝國主義與殖民主義之間的分野，主要在於指出強勢的中國論述長期蒙蔽並阻撓台灣的後殖民視野。中國透過國際上有利而有力的發言位置，使許多後殖民研究者，無法分辨台灣歷史經驗與中國歷史經驗有何不同。從後殖民的觀點來看，台灣文學絕對是屬於第三世界的文學。台灣作家在語言思考與國族認同上的混亂，乃是不折不扣第三世界文學的主要特色。中國社會並沒有這種現象，即使以最寬鬆的定義來看，中國文學並不能劃入第三世界的範疇。飽受帝國主義侵略的中國，未曾喪失過歷史記憶與歷史發言權。中國文學的傳統，也從未因帝國主義的干涉，而發生過斷裂。甚至在國族認同與文化認同方面，中國知識分子也不曾受到嚴厲的政治挑戰。當其文化主體仍然保持得極為完整時，中國自然就不符合第三世界文化的規格。


然而，自一九七○年以降，中國自封為第三世界的代言人；在聯合國，在任何國際場合，北京自命為亞非拉的人民仗義執言。恰恰就是佔據了這種發言的位置，遂使許多國際學者誤認中國的歷史經驗乃是第三世界文化的重要一環。詹明信（Fredric Jameson）便是持這種看法的代表之一。中國利用這種政治上的優勢，遂企圖以強勢的中國論述收編台灣的歷史經驗。這種政治基調，正是日後中國學者竄改、誤讀、曲解台灣文學史的最高指令。


後殖民的立場‧後結構的思考


以第三世界發言人自居的中國，對台灣文學的收編，正是殖民主義的再延伸。猶如戒嚴時期國民黨政府對台灣文學的壓制，也正是再殖民的具體表現。他們都是以權力為基礎，對台灣文學形塑各自的政治想像。對這種變相的殖民行為，乃是現階段台灣文學研究工作者必須警覺，並且必須保持高度批判精神。


台灣歷史的整理與再整理，台灣文學的研究與再研究，都是構成去殖民（decolonization）工作無可分割的一環。在研究過程中，台灣文學的主體篤定重建時，任何的收編與壓制，都將遭逢強悍有力的抵抗與反擊。自一九八七年解嚴以來，台灣文學的後殖民研究可能是遲到的。不過，從十餘年來的研究趨勢來看，這門新興學問誠然充滿了隱隱的生機。兩個事實便可道盡一切，那就是一方面新世代研究者的大量湧現，一方面豐富文學史料的大量浮現。這些重新出土的史料，不斷開拓前所未有的歷史視野。而新世代研究者的誕生，也不斷提出具有批判意味的歷史解釋。這種生動活潑的學術環境，已不是腐朽陳舊的中國論述能夠圍堵牽制的了。


即使以我個人投身於台灣文學研究的經驗來說，也訝然感受到這個領域裡潛藏的翻滾力量。這三年來從事《台灣新文學史》一書的撰寫，我更加能夠體會到這門學問的廣闊與縱深。由於史料的陸續挖掘，我已完成的部分文學史書寫必須重新改寫。短短三年期間，我已數度易稿。在如此富有生命力的大環境之下，我建立起來的歷史解釋與文本分析就不能不時時展開自我審問、自我探索、自我修正。我個人的經驗尚且如此，則僵化的、過時的殖民論述與中國論述豈能使台灣文學研究輕易就範？


鑽研台灣文學越深，我的後殖民立場也就越清楚。站在這個立場上，我當然能夠透視日本殖民強權與中國殖民強權之間微妙的共謀關係。在文學作品裡穿梭探索時，往往使我帶有一種抵抗的快感。這是因為藉由台灣作家心靈的躍動，我頗能感受台灣歷史所負載的沉重力量。那份沉重，混合著各種殖民論述與權力干涉。我彷彿與台灣作家的生命並列站在一起，共同進行抗拒的行動。文化主體的重建，不都是經過抵抗行動而次第獲得的嗎？


所謂後殖民立場，唯在主體的追求而已。近十年來，本土論述的崛起，已經蔚為風氣，並且也成為拆解殖民論述的重要利器。這是台灣文學研究的一個轉折，也是一個斷裂；至少對於東方主義式的權力支配，台灣年輕世代已毅然予以反擊。本土論述的開疆闢土，成績頗為可觀。經過十餘年的發展，似乎已到達一個需要回顧反省的時刻。在本土論述的文字中，常常可以發現「抵中心」、「去殖民化」、「主體性」、「解構」等等的術語。這個事實，說明了後殖民思考已經是台灣文學研究的普遍現象。但是，如何為這些術語填補具體的意義，似乎還未得到定論。台灣文學是一門充滿各種可能的新興學問，要使這個領域維持活潑的生機，就必須讓它具備開放的空間。任何僵化、封閉的思考，極有可能為阻礙豐富的想像與多元的詮釋。


對台灣歷史稍有理解者，都知道有三條歷史主軸在交錯發展；一是原住民史，一是漢人移民史，一是外來殖民史。台灣文化的建構與累積，無非是受到這三條歷史主軸的影響。只是殖民者憑藉壟斷政治資源的優勢，而使原住民史與漢人移民史的文化隱晦不彰。在檢討後殖民的立場時，現階段部分研究者對於外來殖民文化往往採取抗拒或排斥的態度。這自然是可以理解的，因為殖民文化所帶來的傷害，畢竟不會由於殖民體制的瓦解而消失。日據殖民文化與戰後戒嚴文化殘留下來的陰影，仍然還散布在當前的台灣社會之中。


然而，台灣文化主體的重建，能否完全避開殖民文化的影響，恐怕還在未定之天。文化的造成，是長期歷史經驗逐漸沉澱鍛鑄的。殖民體制固然構成對被殖民者心靈的巨創，但伴隨此體制而來的文化並非全然都毫不足取。法農（Frantz Fanon）曾經指出，殖民者在統治時期攜來的現代醫學，誠然具有種族性的優越與偏見。但是，一旦殖民者遠離之後，被殖民者並不必然要拒斥現代醫學。相反的，如何轉化現代醫學成為在地醫學，如何以批判的態度擇取殖民文化，正是後殖民理論中的重要課題。

把同樣的問題置放在戰後台灣歷史脈絡來檢驗，當更為清晰。以現代主義思潮在台灣的傳播為例，它是戒嚴時期親美文化之下的舶來品。在美援文化的支配下，台灣現代文學曾經被視為新殖民主義的延伸。六○年代的現實環境處在雙重斷裂的情勢裡，對外省作家而言，他們不能繼承中國三○年代的左翼文學傳統；對本省作家而言，他們也不能與日據時期的抗日文學傳統銜接。這種雙重斷裂的歷史條件，迫使台灣作家必須通過對現代主義的汲取而求得個人心靈的解放。因此，戰後文學史上的現代主義便具備了雙重意義，它一方面為台灣作家帶來了解放，一方面卻又使作家陷入帝國文化的桎梏。這種精神困境形成的主因，乃是由於整個大環境的營造。


不過，在現代主義的傳播過程中，台灣作家並不必然都是處於被動或靜態的位置。縱然受到現代主義的影響有多深，作家開始從事創作時，主體思考也儼然誕生了。從後殖民的觀點來看，現代主義技巧一旦被台灣作家所使用時，它不再專屬帝國文化的權力，而已經轉化成為台灣文學的資產。過去的台灣文學史書寫，大多側重把寫實主義精神做為主流路線。因為，處在被殖民的情境下，寫實主義畢竟具有旺盛的批判精神。文學史特別彰顯寫實文學的意義，自然寓有去殖民的暗示。對照之下，現代主義文學在有意無意之間就受到貶抑，終究這種文學比較難以嵌入反殖民思考的脈絡裡。


過份堅持後殖民的立場，有時無法平衡地看待台灣社會內部所產生的多元文學。以寫實為尚、以批判為主的文學史觀當然有特定歷史階段的意義，但是偏頗地一面倒，反而使本土論述窄化了。倘若採取開放態度進行後結構的思考，後殖民立場的僵化與教條或許可以獲得免疫。


所謂後結構的思考，便是指文化主體重建之際，應注意到組成主體內容的各種不同因素。當台灣社會日益朝向開放的境界前進時，文學史觀就不可能一成不變地觀照生動的歷史轉型。文學的生命力，總是在歷史轉型期受到強烈刺激。潛藏的、蟄伏的、凍結的文學想像，自然會隨著客觀現實的翻轉而漸漸釋放出來。解嚴後的八○年代，見證了同志文學、女性文學、眷村文學、原住民文學的大量崛起，這是非常可觀的後殖民現象。活潑的文學生機，要求文學史家必須從更為開闊的視野來考察。若是僅僅依賴一把寫實主義的尺碼來衡量，必然是無法符合舊有史觀的檢驗。何況台灣又是屬於移民社會與多元族群社會，來自不同族群的作家，都在凝聚相互歧異的想像，建構更為豐富的文學作品。這些異質想像的文學，正是鍛造新的台灣文化主體不可或缺的一環。


後結構思考的基本要求是，文化主體內容既然是由異質的元素鑄成，則每個元素之間的差異性就不容遭到忽視。以族群結構而言，台灣社會存在著原住民、福佬、客家、與外省的人口。從後結構的觀點來看，這些族群的身分與地位都是對等的；然而，族群與族群之間的文化差異都必須得到恰當的尊重。因此，寫實主義並非是必須淘汰的，不過，它不再是唯一的審美標準。現代主義、後現代主義、女性主義的美學，也將在本土論述中佔有一席之地。

深山夜讀——陳芳明　　

       深夜校園裡的研究大樓如果還點亮著最後一盞燈，那一定是屬於我的。這五年來，我一直就是捻熄那盞燈的人。燈滅後，我走過長廊，拾階而下，消失在迷濛的黑夜。

　　自一九九五年以降，我曾經擁有過三個研究室；每個讀書的窗口，都分別座落在不同的山腰。第一個位在靜宜大學，從樓窗可以看到大肚山下的沙路小鎮，以及遠處蜿蜒在島嶼中部的海岸線。第二個位在暨南大學，研究室朝向有著斜坡的校園，也朝向橫嶺側鋒的中央山脈。第三個位在政治大學，可以聽盡指南山中的蟲聲與水聲，也可以俯望木柵小城的重疊屋簷與曲折街巷。

　　不斷的遷徙，並沒有改變我夜讀的脾性。我越來越習慣於把自己囚禁在書房，那種自我封閉，猶似牢牢鎖在孤絕的城堡。關在那樣狹窄的空間，我的生命反而開闊起來。面對四壁架上高低不齊的書脊，我好像是面對遠方起伏不定的山脊。我容許群書包圍著我的魂魄，彷彿是讓群山鐐銬著我的肉體。天地之間，只剩下我與不知名的神祇與精靈相互對視，並且竊竊私語。書中的直行與橫行文字，牽引著我進入另一個世界。

　　對於靜宜大學，我至今仍心存感激。畢竟那裡為我回台後提供了一個穩定的書房。那是一個尺幅有限的研究室，全然不能放置我所有的藏書。不過，就是從那裡出發，我進入了一個近乎瘋狂的閱讀時期。抱持旺盛的精力，我瘋狂地閱讀，閱讀，再閱讀。是什麼動力驅使我必須如此專注而全心？這個問題並沒有確切的答案。我頗知自己在政治運動方面所投入的二十年時光，這輩子無論如何都不可能追回。但這並不意味無法追回就會使我追悔。我從來不會後悔曾經有過的「革命歲月」，那終究是自己的抉擇。只是到了四十八歲時才回到學界，不免使我產生來日無多的急迫與焦慮。內心不時湧動著的一股遲到感，催促著我必須再出發。就是帶著那樣一絲蒼涼的心情，我把自己押在孤獨的書房裡。

　　所謂孤獨，再也不是抽象的字眼，而是有著具體觸覺的存在。夜讀時，我面對著書籍，也面對書中隱藏的靈魂。我終於領悟到，兩點之間最短的距離是孤獨。尤其是在深山夜讀的時刻，唯寂靜與我同在。分不清楚是孤獨緊擁著我，還是我緊擁著孤獨，只覺得彼此如膠似漆，間不容髮。夜讀到星稀之際，我才真正體會到孤獨是一種遺忘，一種快感，一種頹廢。

　　與孤獨相偕而行，整個充滿噪音的世界便自然消失了，我發現自己是唯一存活下來的人。站在大肚山上的樓頭，看海岸線密佈的燈光，我就是唯一。無邊的夜空下，我孤守著一盞燈，進行著閱讀、構思與書寫。我開始重整自己的文學概念，也開始營造文學史的腹稿，並且也編寫第二天的課堂講義。我是那種可以同時做兩種或三種思考的人，常常輪流撰寫兩篇文章在同一個晚上。一旦投注於讀與寫時，便立即沉溺在遺忘的深淵。忘情、忘懷、忘我，直到全部的心神都溶入閱讀之中。在靜宜時期，我至少完成了四冊書籍與二十餘篇論文，其中還不包括報紙與雜誌上的專欄。這些產物應該都是我旺盛閱讀的見證，當然也是我孤獨身影的鑑照。

　　編寫講義，從事研究，撰寫書稿，是我閱讀的三個任務。我的學生都知道，幾乎每堂課都會有講義發給他們。這些講義，包括大綱與參考書目，都是我授課時的根據，也是我日後撰稿的基礎。我的講義每年都必須修改、訂正、補充。現在回首翻閱第一年的各門講義，看來是那樣粗糙而簡陋，真是愧對那些學生。然而，也正是由於他們的寬容，我才能夠在破綻百出的思考中不斷自我糾正。我有許多學術論文都是從講義改寫出來的，現階段正在撰寫的《台灣新文學史》也是以授課時的綱要為張本。縱然在最初幾年的講義有所殘缺，我確信給學生的知識信息應該是可靠的。對我而言，授課也是另一種遺忘。我以忘情忘懷忘我的態度，全心投注在文學的分析與解說。上課的演講，其實就是閱讀的延伸。讓平面文字化為想像的演出，化為情緒的釋放，化為對話的橋梁。

　　孤獨是一種快感，那無非是閱讀的昇華。遠離政治以後，我這樣的體會越來越深沉。背對著人間，背對著權力，背對著世事的浮沉，我獲得了前所未有的解放。思索我樂於思索的，書寫我樂於書寫的；在我的靈魂裡，沒有枷鎖，沒有包袱，沒有疆界。從靜宜遷徙到暨大，我更加縱容自己浸淫在孤獨的氣味裡。到埔里的路上，是一段漫長的駕駛。驅車之際，就是我孤獨旅途的延長。在荒蕪而寧靜的山嶺深處，隱藏著一個自由心靈的書房。

　　經驗了世紀末的九二一大地震，我對生死、愛恨、聲名看得更為透徹。人情的淡薄與道德的審判，再也綁不住我精神的遨遊。在廢墟裡，一冊一冊撿拾埋在瓦礫中的書籍時，我確信自己正在承受一場生命的洗禮。通過那樣的洗禮，我深深領悟到孤獨是屬於書房的。在崇山峻嶺的空間裡，我重新省視對文學的看法。文學不是服務，也不是附庸，當然更不是討好。對作家與作品的評價，絕對不能密謀，也不能共謀，更不能權謀。當我能夠把自己安放在一個自由開放的位置時，圍繞在作品四周的煙霧自然就消散了。而那樣的位置，最是寂寞而孤絕。恰恰也正是尋找到那個位置，我竟然湧起了莫名的快感。

　　山中無事，僅有的波動都是來自閱讀。在暨大時期，我越來越分不清楚何為閱讀何為孤獨。面對著高聳的山脈，我體會到孤獨何其莊嚴，孤獨何其壯闊，孤獨何其森冷。我的閱讀方式發生了奇妙的變化，原來書中的世界，不再是文學的世界，而是一個靈異世界。紙背上印刷的油墨字體，竟然是一串串的符號、巫術、咒語、魔法、密碼。我的肉體彷彿受到作祟與催眠，又好像受到巫師的驅魔，潛藏在內心的邪靈惡魂不期然被召喚甦醒。

　　追求學問，原就是在自我挖掘，自我發現，自我探索。因為自己就是殘缺的，就是不完整的，所以才需要去閱讀。設若沒有經過閱讀，沒有辨識書中的玄祕語言，我就不可能知道體內竟然監禁一隻未曾謀識的靈魂。面對那麼多的作者與作品，毋寧是在迎接不同的生命經驗。他們透過書籍傳達了陌生的、遙遠的、隔世的、隔代的信息。這些作者似乎住在另一個星球，在深夜裡拍打著未知的、不可解的密碼給我。從符號的節奏、律動、形狀、意象，我細細推敲著可能的企圖與意涵。從前在閱讀時，我總以為藉助考據與用典，可以追根究柢找到作者的原始動機。如今我始發現，一切的推敲都只是我對閱讀的再閱讀。

　　從書中的符號，我創造了淫蕩的慾望，構築了邪惡的圖像，醞釀了憤懣的情緒。這都不是出自作者的設計，而是來自我體內惡靈的反射。閱讀的過程，使我清楚理解到自己心理結構的複雜與奧妙。深山夜讀的時刻，我讓靈魂徹底裸裎，讓想像全然釋放，讓慾望迸發流淌。定義不明的精靈，在書中對我召喚，誘導我，引領我。面對著書中的文字，我也給予試探、捉摸、挑逗。那誠然是一個靈異世界，閱讀是一種虛妄，一種幻象，一種飛翔。然而，那樣的世界於我又是無比的真實，甚至較諸山外的人間還來得真實。閱讀到了這種地步，能夠不說我有多頹廢嗎？

　　從暨大遷徙到政大，距離台北都會更加接近，但是我內心仍然鎖在深山之中。我依舊把活動範圍侷限在研究室，依舊讓四壁的書架緊圍著我。更確切一點，我的全部活動不在書房，而是在心房。深夜的長廊，有我腳步聲的回響；然而，最大的聲音則莫過於我的心跳。

　　寂靜的大樓如果還亮著一盞最後的燈，那一定是屬於我的。夜讀已經成為我僅有的城堡，我的思考、想像、演說、書寫、研究，都是閱讀的延伸。走過蒼茫的黑夜，拾階而上，穿越長廊，我再次捻亮書房的孤燈。

悼念亡師：每每讀到這幾篇詩文就格外令人感傷。 （最後兩篇是我的作品）

O Captain! My Captain!
by Walt Whitman

    O Captain! my Captain! our fearful trip is done,
    The ship has weathered every rack, the prize we sought is won,
    The port is near, the bells I hear, the people all exulting,
    While follow eyes the steady keel, the vessel grim and daring;
      But O heart! heart! heart!
        O the bleeding drops of red,
          Where on the deck my Captain lies,
            Fallen cold and dead.

    O Captain! my Captain! rise up and hear the bells;
    Rise up--for you the flag is flung--for you the bugle trills,
    For you bouquets and ribboned wreaths--for you the shores a-crowding,
    For you they call, the swaying mass, their eager faces turning;
      Here Captain! dear father!
        This arm beneath your head!
          It is some dream that on the deck
            You've fallen cold and dead.

    My Captain does not answer, his lips are pale and still,
    My father does not feel my arm, he has no pulse nor will.
    The ship is anchored safe and sound, its voyage closed and done,
    From fearful trip the victor ship comes in with object won;
      Exult O shores, and ring O bells!
        But I, with mournful tread,
          Walk the deck my Captain lies,
            Fallen cold and dead.

吳潛誠 因肝癌撒手塵寰 留下等身著作和對學生的疼惜（聯合報88.11.4）


      本年度（民88）「巫永福文學評論獎」得主--台大外文系教授吳潛誠，二日因肝癌不幸辭世，得

年五十。吳潛誠畢生以散播文學種子為己任，學術界和藝文界皆為他的英年早逝惋惜。

      吳潛誠本名吳全成，台灣省台南縣人，民國三十八年一月二十日生，淡大西洋語文
碩士，美國華盛頓大學比較文學博士，曾在淡大、清大任教，在台大外文系任教期間同時
任「中外文學」總編輯。他三年前自台大借調擔任國立東華大學英文系主任，今年夏天重
返台大。

      吳潛誠為本土中壯輩重要文學評論家之一，他長期潛心研究愛爾蘭文學，譯、著等
身，他常強調「文學批評應該有真正的關懷作引導，最後一定要落實提昇到作品上」。

      自認懷有理想色彩及「完美主義者」的吳潛誠，在教學上去奉獻全心全力，他三年
借調東華大學期間，首創用台語演出易卜生的「玩偶家庭」和莎士比亞的「暴風雨」，試
圖用西方戲劇精華豐富台語文化內涵，頗受矚目。今夏他離開東華時，還寫了一篇情深意
重的「玉蘭花本事」給東華英文系的學生，為學生打氣，字裡行間皆是為師者疼惜學生的
心情。

＝＝＝

玉蘭花本事--告別東華英文系

Taiwan's former President Chen Shui-bian has been detained in connection with corruption claims.

Mr Chen spent much of Tuesday being questioned by prosecutors in Taipei, before being led away in handcuffs.

He is accused of money laundering and illegally using a special presidential fund during his eight years in office, which ended in May.

He denies any wrongdoing, and accuses the new administration of persecuting him to bow to the wishes of Beijing.

Mr Chen is an ardent supporter of Taiwanese independence, and a trenchant critic of President Ma Ying-jeou's Kuomintang (KMT) administration, which he accuses of pandering to Beijing.

His arrest comes days after a historic visit to the island by a senior Chinese envoy was marred by violent protests.

Political persecution?

The former leader, who held power from 2000 to 2008, spent more than six hours in the prosecutor's office on Tuesday answering questions about corruption.

The KMT and the Chinese Communist Party see me as their number one prisoner as I am the biggest stone blocking their way to reunification Chen Shui-bian Profile: Chen Shui-bian

As he was led out towards a waiting vehicle, he put his handcuffed hands in the air and shouted "political persecution" to an audience of dozens of protesting supporters.

"The KMT and the Chinese Communist Party see me as their number one prisoner as I am the biggest stone blocking their way to reunification," Mr Chen told reporters, according to the French news agency AFP.

He said the Chinese envoy, Chen Yunlin, "had a bad time in Taiwan... so Ma Ying-jeou wants to put me in jail as a sacrifice to appease China. I am very honoured and proud to play such a role."

And the former president vowed not to be "imprisoned in vain".

Although he has been detained, it appears he has yet to be formally arrested. However he clearly expects to be, and said so at a news conference earlier in the day.

'Embezzlement'

Mr Chen and his family have been mired in corruption allegations since 2006, when his son-in-law was charged with insider trading on the stock market and then jailed for seven years.

The former president is under investigation for allegedly embezzling 14.8 million Taiwan dollars (US$480,500; £306,000) from the government.

The charges have damaged the reputation of the main opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), observers say, which now faces a rough ride in local elections next year.

Taiwan has been ruled separately since the end of the Chinese civil war in 1949; the defeated Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan to create a self-governing entity.

But Beijing sees the island as a breakaway province which should be reunified with the mainland, by force if necessary.

President-elect Barack Obama has made his first speech

Democrat Barack Obama has become the first African-American to win the White House. Here are his remarks to a huge crowd in his home city of Chicago:

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voices could be that difference.

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled - Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

A little bit earlier this evening I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.

I congratulate him, I congratulate Governor Palin, for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vice-president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years, the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both more than you can imagine, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House.

And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure. To my sister Maya, my sister Auma, all my other brothers and sisters - thank you so much for all the support you have given me. I am grateful to them.

To my campaign manager David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best political campaign in the history of the United States of America. My chief strategist David Axelrod, who has been a partner with me every step of the way, and to the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics - you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to - it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington - it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.

It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; it grew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organised, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from the Earth.

This is your victory.

I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime - two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.

Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.

There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for their child's college education. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.

And above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for 221 years - block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek - it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers - in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House - a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity.

Those are values that we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours: "We are not enemies, but friends… though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection."

And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn - I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world - our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.

To those who would tear the world down - we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security - we support you.

And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright - tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America - that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing - Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons - because she was a woman and because of the colour of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America - the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes, we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes, we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbour and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes, we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "we shall overcome". Yes, we can.

A man touched down on the Moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes, we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves - if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.

This is our time - to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth - that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.

Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.